The Anglophone crisis in Cameroon traces its origins to grievances raised by teachers’ trade unions and the lawyers’ association prior to 2016. In late 2016, these groups joined forces in a protest that escalated into an armed conflict in 2017. The conflict is rooted in long-standing discontent among the English-speaking populations of the North West and South West regions. Armed separatist groups, emerging from these regions, took up arms against the state, demanding an independent country called Ambazonia.
The crisis has posed significant challenges to Cameroon’s stability, with socio-political and economic consequences felt not only in the two affected regions but across the entire country.
The Cameroonian government has since employed a mix of military, diplomatic, and humanitarian strategies to manage the conflict.
The 91-year-old President Paul Biya of Cameroon’s government took a primarily military approach to the crisis from the beginning. Viewing the separatist movement as a threat to national unity, the government deployed the elite Rapid Intervention Battalion (BIR), alongside other security forces, to suppress armed groups in the troubled regions.
The government presented its military response as a counter-terrorism effort, arguing it was necessary to restore law and order amid increasing violence, kidnappings, and attacks on state infrastructure, including public buildings and schools.
While this approach succeeded in curbing some separatist activities, including arson attacks on schools and government buildings, as well as instilling fear through intimidation, it has been widely criticised. Human rights organisations such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have documented human rights abuses, including extrajudicial killings, village burnings, and the use of excessive force against civilians. This heavy-handed approach has deepened the mistrust between the population and the government.
Over time, separatist groups have lost much of the popular support they once enjoyed. Increasingly, civilians have become their targets, with kidnappings for ransom, the use of improvised explosive devices in crowded areas, property destruction, and the enforcement of frequent ghost towns and lockdowns. Many Anglophone Cameroonians now view these actions as punitive rather than liberating.
Alongside military efforts, the government has pursued diplomatic and political initiatives to address the grievances of the English-speaking community. The most notable of these efforts was the Major National Dialogue (MND), held from September 30 to October 4, 2019. The dialogue brought together government officials, political leaders, and some civil society members to foster national reconciliation. However, many Cameroonians criticised it as a “monologue,” as key actors, particularly separatist leaders, were absent.
At the conclusion of the MND, the government announced several measures, including granting a Special Status to the Anglophone regions, enhancing administrative autonomy, and promoting decentralisation and bilingualism.
Critics argue the dialogue was not inclusive enough, as key separatist leaders, either in exile or in detention (such as the Nera 10, currently serving sentences at Kondengui Prison in Yaoundé), were absent. Additionally, many Anglophones believe that the measures failed to address the root causes of the crisis, such as political marginalisation, cultural discrimination, and social exclusion. As a result, the dialogue has had little positive impact. Establishing a Disarmament, Demobilisation, and Reintegration (DDR) programme has also failed.
To address the humanitarian consequences of the conflict, the government initially distributed aid to those displaced from rural areas to urban centers. However, many viewed this effort as inadequate, as it failed to address the needs of both the displaced and the host communities. In response, the government launched the Presidential Plan for the Reconstruction and Development of the Northwest and Southwest Regions (PPRD-NW/SW), aimed at rebuilding infrastructure destroyed during the conflict and providing assistance to displaced persons.
As of September 2024, the commission overseeing reconstruction in the North West region reported that 258 projects had been completed, 38 were ongoing, and 2 had been cancelled. Despite these efforts, the local population continues to report that the impact of these projects remains minimal.
In parallel, the DDR programme was established to reintegrate former fighters who voluntarily surrendered. While some separatists have joined the programme, scepticism persists due to allegations of poor funding and mismanagement of DDR centres. Despite over 4,000 fighters laying down arms, many separatist groups remain active, and the security situation in the affected regions is still volatile.
International actors have also sought to mediate a resolution to the crisis. Swiss and Canadian-led initiatives to facilitate dialogue between the Cameroonian government and separatist leaders gained some traction in 2019, with the government sending several missions abroad. However, a lack of commitment on both sides and mutual mistrust have hampered these efforts. The African Union, United Nations, and European Union have all called for dialogue and respect for human rights, but so far, these appeals have produced little tangible progress.
As of 2024, the Anglophone crisis remains unresolved, though large-scale military confrontations have decreased. Sporadic violence continues, and many parts of the North West and South West regions remain under heavy security surveillance. The humanitarian crisis also persists, with over 700,000 people displaced and hundreds of schools remaining closed.
While the government’s approach has prevented the total collapse of the state, critics argue that a lasting solution will require more than military force and piecemeal reforms. Increasingly, voices are calling for a more inclusive dialogue that engages all stakeholders in a bid to bring an end to the prolonged conflict.
Culled from Mimi Mefo Info
