A succinct analysis of power transitions in Algeria, Sudan and Gabon indicates that in all three countries there was failure to defend the existing constitution at the ousting of the previous leader, leading to sham elections that produced new dictatorships. Dr Ben Akih, Coordinator of English Cameroon for a United Cameroon, thinks that for all the euphoria surrounding the choice of Oligui Nguema as the new Gabonese strongman, Gabon falls short of the standards of constitutional democracy for several reasons, including the fact that the 𝐧𝐞𝐰 𝐜𝐨𝐧𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐭𝐮𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 that elected him 𝐢𝐬 𝐧𝐨𝐭 𝐚 𝐩𝐫𝐨𝐝𝐮𝐜𝐭 𝐨𝐟 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐰𝐢𝐥𝐥 𝐨𝐟 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐩𝐞𝐨𝐩𝐥𝐞 and there was the absence of an independent electoral commission to manage the poll.
In an op-ed titled “𝐂𝐚𝐦𝐞𝐫𝐨𝐨𝐧 𝐚𝐭 𝐂𝐫𝐨𝐬𝐬𝐫𝐨𝐚𝐝𝐬: A𝐥𝐨𝐧𝐠 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐩𝐚𝐭𝐡 𝐨𝐟 𝐟𝐚𝐢𝐥𝐞𝐝 𝐫𝐞𝐯𝐨𝐥𝐮𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐬 𝐨𝐫 𝐨𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐩𝐚𝐭𝐡 𝐨𝐟 𝐭𝐫𝐮𝐞 𝐥𝐢𝐛𝐞𝐫𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐠𝐮𝐢𝐝𝐞𝐝 𝐛𝐲, 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐥𝐞𝐚𝐝𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐭𝐨, 𝐞𝐟𝐟𝐞𝐜𝐭𝐢𝐯𝐞 𝐜𝐨𝐧𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐭𝐮𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐝𝐞𝐦𝐨𝐜𝐫𝐚𝐜𝐲?”, he says “The situation in Gabon is best characterized as the combination of a military coup and two constitutional coups,” predicting that “Tyranny, corruption, and inefficiency, even if masked by sham prosperity, await the people of Gabon.”
Dr Akih regrets that Rwanda and Gabon, two Franco-Catholic countries who joined the Commonwealth marked by Anglo-protestant political institutions, have tainted the Gentlemen’s Club through the Franco-Catholic manipulation of constitutional democracy which is in their DNA. Cameroon, he affirms, “belongs to this class of fake Commonwealth members.”
Drawing from what he perceives as the failed revolutions in Algeria, Sudan and Gabon, Dr Akih proposes the 𝐥𝐢𝐛𝐞𝐫𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 of Cameroon 𝐭𝐡𝐫𝐨𝐮𝐠𝐡 𝐦𝐚𝐬𝐬𝐢𝐯𝐞 𝐩𝐨𝐩𝐮𝐥𝐚𝐫 𝐩𝐫𝐨𝐭𝐞𝐬𝐭𝐬 𝐭𝐡𝐚𝐭 𝐫𝐞𝐦𝐚𝐢𝐧 𝐜𝐨𝐦𝐦𝐢𝐭𝐭𝐞𝐝 𝐭𝐨 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐜𝐨𝐧𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐭𝐮𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐟𝐫𝐚𝐦𝐞𝐰𝐨𝐫𝐤. His proposal stems from the fact that the Biya regime is intent on maintaining its stay in power through manoeuvres like disqualifying competitive opponents, just as happened in Rwanda or outright rigging of elections. Following is the op-ed in its entirety:
𝐂𝐚𝐦𝐞𝐫𝐨𝐨𝐧 𝐚𝐭 𝐂𝐫𝐨𝐬𝐬𝐫𝐨𝐚𝐝𝐬: A𝐥𝐨𝐧𝐠 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐩𝐚𝐭𝐡 𝐨𝐟 𝐟𝐚𝐢𝐥𝐞𝐝 𝐫𝐞𝐯𝐨𝐥𝐮𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐬 𝐨𝐫 𝐨𝐧 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐩𝐚𝐭𝐡 𝐨𝐟 𝐭𝐫𝐮𝐞 𝐥𝐢𝐛𝐞𝐫𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐠𝐮𝐢𝐝𝐞𝐝 𝐛𝐲, 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐥𝐞𝐚𝐝𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐭𝐨, 𝐞𝐟𝐟𝐞𝐜𝐭𝐢𝐯𝐞 𝐜𝐨𝐧𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐭𝐮𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐝𝐞𝐦𝐨𝐜𝐫𝐚𝐜𝐲?
Dear brothers and sisters,
We give thanks to God for the gift of changing seasons and holidays, during which we are reminded of God’s sovereignty, providence, and mercy. This is Holy Week for our Christian brothers and sisters. The depth of God’s love and mercy is recalled on Good Friday, commemorating the death of Christ for the sins of the world. The reality of God’s mercy towards us erring human beings is heightened. Even our Muslim brothers and sisters, many of them rightly believe that God’s mercy and blessings are most abundant on Friday. For our Christian brothers and sisters, the outpouring of God’s mercy on Friday leads to the eternal hope of resurrection on Sunday. Between Friday and Sunday is the Sabbath when our Jewish brothers and sisters and some Seventh Day Adventists worship the Most Merciful God. The Greeks call Friday “preparation day” or paraskevi, signifying preparation for the Sabbath and the Day of the Lord that follows. This Christian Holy Week is therefore also an Abrahamic reminder of God’s sovereignty, mercy, and his presence in our lives every day.
Given these manifold reminders of God’s power, it is surprising that some ungrateful human beings choose the way of injustice, corruption, and blasphemy by behaving as demi-god. They are convinced that the elitism they claim for themselves will be used before God to demand special favors in the next life. Some don’t believe they are mortal; they believe in immortality without death. That is why so many of them have decided to destroy this beautiful country, Cameroon, a free gift from God to us all. May the Almighty God forgive them, and may he frustrate all their plans to repeat the electoral fraud and intimidation that have made Cameroon a laughingstock in Africa.
Today we want to look at the characteristics of failed revolution as being rooted in pursuing the ousting of a dictator without sticking to the constitution. We also want to make it clear that what has recently happened in Gabon is not constitutional democracy; it is a military coup sandwiched between two constitutional coups. We end by articulating some of the features that must accompany the liberation of Cameroon, given that Cameroon is unlikely going to follow direct liberation by the transparent and freely accessible ballot box.
𝟏. 𝐅𝐚𝐢𝐥𝐞𝐝 𝐫𝐞𝐯𝐨𝐥𝐮𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐬 𝐢𝐧 𝐀𝐥𝐠𝐞𝐫𝐢𝐚, 𝐒𝐮𝐝𝐚𝐧, 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐆𝐚𝐛𝐨𝐧 𝐝𝐞𝐦𝐨𝐧𝐬𝐭𝐫𝐚𝐭𝐞 𝐰𝐡𝐲 𝐝𝐞𝐯𝐢𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐬 𝐟𝐫𝐨𝐦 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐜𝐨𝐧𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐭𝐮𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐟𝐫𝐚𝐦𝐞𝐰𝐨𝐫𝐤 𝐰𝐡𝐢𝐥𝐞 𝐮𝐧𝐬𝐞𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐚 𝐝𝐢𝐜𝐭𝐚𝐭𝐨𝐫 𝐜𝐚𝐧 𝐥𝐞𝐚𝐝 𝐭𝐨 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐬𝐭𝐚𝐭𝐮𝐬 𝐪𝐮𝐨 𝐩𝐚𝐫𝐭𝐲, 𝐚 𝐜𝐢𝐯𝐢𝐥 𝐰𝐚𝐫, 𝐨𝐫 𝐚 𝐧𝐞𝐰 𝐝𝐢𝐜𝐭𝐚𝐭𝐨𝐫𝐬𝐡𝐢𝐩.
1.1. The jury is out on the radical revolutions through coups d’etat in Francophone Africa; many speak highly of the military leaders in Mali, Guinea, Niger, and Burkina Faso. These praise singers of the military dictatorships are quick to dismiss any criticism about the lack of freedom in these countries. In Burkina Faso, for example, Mr. Ibrahim Traore is punishing his critics by sending them to fight in the voluntary army set up to tackle the fight against insecurity. For instance, a medical doctor, an anaesthetist, Dr. Arouna Loure accused the military ruler of not doing enough to reduce the insecurity facing the country. He was swiftly removed from the hospital and sent as one of many forced recruits to the battlefield with minimum training. That is the price you pay in the paradise of Ibrahim Traore if you dare to speak your mind. Perhaps many of Traore’s supporters in Cameroon may say the doctor deserved what he got. That’s what supporters of dictators say when they are at a safe distance from the dictatorship.
1.2. We can leave out the West African military dictatorships and closely examine Algeria in the aftermath of Bouteflika’s ousting through popular protests, Sudan after Omar Al-Bashir’s ousting through popular protests with aid from the military, and finally Gabon after Oligui Nguema’s military coup stopped the latest electoral fraud orchestrated by Ali Bongo. The situation in Sudan is generally viewed as negative because of the ongoing civil war. Gabon is in euphoria now, but the military coup, followed by a constitutional coup, may manifest itself in the long term as extremely bad. In Algeria, the ruling party manages a status quo civilian-military partnership that makes almost impossible the emergence of real political competition.
1.3. What is common about these three countries? The failure to defend the existing constitution at the ousting of the previous leader. Many people fail to see the constitution, imperfect as it is, as a guide through turbulent times, when a dictator is forced out through massive peaceful protests. They claim that all institutions should be reformed before a new leader is chosen. If they insist but the ruling party follows constitution to elect another leader from their ranks, the revolution fails. If a smart dictator capitalizes on what Francophones call “refondation de l’etat”, the dictator produces an even more authoritarian constitution, organizes sham elections or suspends election until a future date of his choosing.
1.4. In the case of Algeria, the constitutional framework was followed. The president, Mr. Bouteflika, apologized to the people and resigned in April 2019, following massive Friday protests. The military, seeing the massive protests, did not intervene to stop the people. According to the Algerian constitution, the senate President, Abdelkader Bensalah, became the interim president. But the leaders of the protests, seeing that they had no strong organized opposition parties and suspicious of fraud, boycotted the elections. The elections were initially postponed outside the constitutional framework but failure to convince the protesters to participate, a presidential election was carried out with low participation. That led to the election of the current president, Mr. Terreboune. Some people declared satisfaction with the departure of Mr. Bouteflika and the protests weakened. This is an example of a failed revolution. The people are not very happy but also not very upset as they were in 2019.
1.5. The situation in Sudan is a tragedy. Sudan is the ancestral home of many tribes in Cameroon. It’s painful to see the chaos in that country. But the people gathered the courage, dared to start protests because of high costs of living and other problems. Although Sudan was technically already facing a constitutional crisis before the fall of Mr. Al-Bashir, the constitution foresaw an interim period of 60 days, with an interim leadership provided by the Presidential Council comprising the Speaker of the National Assembly and the two Vice Presidents. This interim period would have allowed for the election of a new president. The Interim Sudanese Constitution of 2005 was obsolete because it was never substantially amended after the secession of South Sudan nor was it fully implemented.
1.6. Sudan’s situation degenerated because of competition between the standard Sudanese Army and the militia group called Janjaweed that evolved into the so-called Rapid Support Forces. Al-Bashir played off these two groups against one another to assure his safety as a dictator. Initially, the two connived to kick out civilians from the transitional government and then degenerated into an armed conflict with one another. The civil war continues. The standard Sudanese military seems to be slightly on the winning side, but it is going to be a long conflict. The people who protested and caused the resignation of the dictator are now living in fear and poverty. This is a failed revolution. The civil war may last long. We can revisit the complexity of this civil war in future.
1.7. The situation in Gabon is best characterized as the combination of a military coup and two constitutional coups. The first constitutional coup was the stolen victory of Albert Ondo Ossa. Everybody knew who the true winner was, and a recount could have established that. A well-meaning military would have overseen the counting of the votes and returned to the barracks. But Oligui Nguema seized power and manufactured his constitution, broke his vow to hand over power to a civilian by metamorphosing into a civilian dictator. He has embarked on some populist shiny projects to hide the gravity of his situation.
𝟐. 𝐆𝐚𝐛𝐨𝐧’𝐬 𝐧𝐞𝐰 𝐜𝐨𝐧𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐭𝐮𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐢𝐬 𝐧𝐨𝐭 𝐚 𝐩𝐫𝐨𝐝𝐮𝐜𝐭 𝐨𝐟 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐰𝐢𝐥𝐥 𝐨𝐟 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐩𝐞𝐨𝐩𝐥𝐞; 𝐢𝐭 𝐢𝐬 𝐚 𝐝𝐢𝐜𝐭𝐚𝐭𝐨𝐫’𝐬 𝐝𝐨𝐜𝐮𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐭. 𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐩𝐫𝐞𝐬𝐢𝐝𝐞𝐧𝐭𝐢𝐚𝐥 𝐞𝐥𝐞𝐜𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐨𝐫𝐠𝐚𝐧𝐢𝐳𝐞𝐝 𝐢𝐧 𝐚𝐜𝐜𝐨𝐫𝐝𝐚𝐧𝐜𝐞 𝐰𝐢𝐭𝐡 𝐬𝐮𝐜𝐡 𝐚 𝐝𝐨𝐜𝐮𝐦𝐞𝐧𝐭 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐨𝐧𝐥𝐲 𝐚 𝐟𝐞𝐰 𝐦𝐨𝐧𝐭𝐡𝐬 𝐚𝐟𝐭𝐞𝐫 𝐢𝐭𝐬 𝐚𝐝𝐨𝐩𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧 𝐝𝐨 𝐧𝐨𝐭 𝐩𝐚𝐬𝐬 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐭𝐞𝐬𝐭 𝐨𝐟 𝐛𝐞𝐢𝐧𝐠 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐬𝐭𝐚𝐧𝐝𝐚𝐫𝐝 𝐨𝐟 𝐚 𝐜𝐨𝐧𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐭𝐮𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐝𝐞𝐦𝐨𝐜𝐫𝐚𝐜𝐲.
2.1. The standards of constitutional democracy require that constitutions be drafted by the people through extensive consultation and debate. When this is done properly, then the preamble of the constitution is justified, “We, the people of X declare as follows…”. In Franco-Catholic systems, an elitist leader crafts a document and presents to the people for acceptance through a rigged and state mediatized process. There is a general principle that the person who drafts the constitution protects his or her power. If it is a citizen-centred constitution, it therefore protects the citizen from tyranny by maximizing the means by which citizens can assert their popular sovereignty during elections by ensuring transparent competitive elections and between elections by protests and petitions. These are strange ideas in the Franco-Catholic system; even in France, protests change nothing because the constitution protects the power of the president.
2.2. One important area of the constitution is laying down the laws for competition for those seeking public office. The first principle of a good law is that we are blind to which individual is likely to benefit from making the law a certain way. The Gabonese constitution, raising the duration of the presidential term to seven years, renewable once, was designed for Oligui Nguema. This is further confirmed by the fact that the constitution was ratified only in November, less than six months before the recent presidential election. The constitution increased the powers of the president. One must ask why Gabon even bothered to draft a constitution and hold a sham election. The answer is that everybody knows that constitutional democracy is acknowledged as the best way to govern a country; thus, dictators have taken to theatrics, where they put up a sham show in the name of constitutional democracy.
2.3. An independent electoral commission acts as a fourth arm of government. If the judiciary is truly independent, the electoral commission sees itself as closer to the judiciary than to the executive and the legislative branches. Also, a constitutional democracy thrives on the culture of political parties and existence of truly competitive parties, which in a presidential system generally converge to two strong parties. This is almost impossible in Franco-Catholic systems, including France because the president is a monarch who does not really need a party or can create a powerful one-party system once elected, even as an independent. Mr. Oligui Nguema is a Catholic dictator; he has no experience organizing collective action through the hard work of running a political party. He is a specialist in hautes instructions. He ran as an independent candidate, deploying the resources of the state in support of his campaign.
2.4. That the sham in Gabon was a mockery of constitutional democracy can be seen in the results. Mr. Oligui Nguema is said to have won with 90% of the vote, comparable to the recent victory of the Rwandan dictator, Mr. Paul Kagame, who garnered 99.18% through combined fraud and elimination of strong competitors. The tragedy is that these Franco-Catholic countries now taint the Commonwealth as members. They may have joined the Commonwealth marked by Anglo-protestant political institutions, but the Franco-Catholic manipulation of constitutional democracy is in their DNA. Cameroon belongs to this class of fake Commonwealth members.
2.5. Critics of constitutional democracy who call themselves pan Africanists but are largely France-Afrique indoctrinated people should not blame the future trajectory of Gabon on the failure of constitutional democracy. Gabon has suffered three coups: two constitutional coups sandwiched between a military coup. Tyranny, corruption, and inefficiency, even if masked by sham prosperity, await the people of Gabon. May God protect them until they see true liberation.
𝟑. 𝐓𝐡𝐞 𝐧𝐚𝐭𝐮𝐫𝐞 𝐨𝐟 𝐂𝐚𝐦𝐞𝐫𝐨𝐨𝐧’𝐬 𝐥𝐢𝐛𝐞𝐫𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧: 𝐢𝐭 𝐦𝐮𝐬𝐭 𝐛𝐞 𝐜𝐨𝐧𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐭𝐮𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥ly 𝐝𝐞𝐦𝐨𝐜𝐫𝐚𝐭𝐢𝐜 𝐚𝐧𝐝 𝐜𝐚𝐫𝐫𝐢𝐞𝐝 𝐨𝐮𝐭 𝐭𝐡𝐫𝐨𝐮𝐠𝐡 𝐦𝐚𝐬𝐬𝐢𝐯𝐞 𝐩𝐨𝐩𝐮𝐥𝐚𝐫 𝐩𝐫𝐨𝐭𝐞𝐬𝐭𝐬 𝐭𝐡𝐚𝐭 𝐫𝐞𝐦𝐚𝐢𝐧 𝐜𝐨𝐦𝐦𝐢𝐭𝐭𝐞𝐝 𝐭𝐨 𝐭𝐡𝐞 𝐜𝐨𝐧𝐬𝐭𝐢𝐭𝐮𝐭𝐢𝐨𝐧𝐚𝐥 𝐟𝐫𝐚𝐦𝐞𝐰𝐨𝐫𝐤.
3.1. If one has understood what happened at the last Rwandan and Gabonese elections, and if one observes the preparatory schemes of ELECAM and the CPDM cult it serves, then one must be clear eyed that there will be no election in Cameroon this year that meets the standards of true constitutional democracy. The question then arises how the people of Cameroon can free themselves or whether it is even worth talking about elections. This explains the polarization among those who impatiently want to bring about the liberation of Cameroon. The question is how to do it and what should come after such liberation.
3.2. So far, ELECAM has not published the national update on the number of newly registered voters from January to March. The reason is simple. This number is always less than people think and once they see it, they double their efforts to register more people. Therefore, to ensure that fewer people register, ELECAM is not only making it harder to register but also hiding the national statistics for this year. This is in addition to their willful disregard of Articles 80 and 81 of the electoral code which unmistakably call for the publication of the national electoral register. Cameroon’s electoral law, imperfect as it is on other matters, is the product of a heavy investment by Cameroon and the international community. Cameroonians need to demonstrate that it is not being applied and that this non-application cannot be the basis of a transparent election. Yerima Djoubairou from Adamawa revealed how elite members of the CPDM cult fabricate ID and voter’s cards to rig elections. The reward for this brave whistleblower is that he is now in prison, in Kondengui. The silence of the opposition is astounding. They act like accomplices of the CPDM cult.
3.3. Given these preparatory grounds for fraud and sham constitutional democracy, can Cameroon’s liberation still adhere to constitutional democratic principles? The answer is yes. For this rationalized protests and strategic economic boycotts with the goal of ensuring more effective implementation of the imperfect laws to elect a reformer must be organized. The following can be identified as the targets of strategic organizing:
3.3.1. Boycott of goods from countries identified as aiding and abetting the unfolding sham election. This should run from August to October, lifting or renewing based on the conduct of the election.
3.3.2. Mr. Paul Biya is an illegitimate president; ELECAM failed to show how their fake 71% resulted from collation of polling station results. That means that on the basis of that fraud and Biya’s bad, absent-minded governance following that fraud, the people of Cameroon exercise their constitutional right to protest and demand his resignation today. Apart from that, his cult, the CPDM, is not functioning as a political party with internal democracy based on free debate. The same Biya is violating article 66 of the constitution by not declaring his asserts. The only reason the unpopular president and abuser of the constitution can run for office is the assurance of electoral fraud. Cameroonians therefore need to protest his candidacy in a massive, organized, and sustained manner. Do not wait for the thief to steal; stand on guard and stop him from approaching the bank.
3.3.3. As seen in Rwanda and elsewhere in France-Afrique, unpopular incumbent presidents try to increase their odds of victory by disqualifying competitive opponents. If the list of candidates is published without the names of competitive candidates, Cameroonians need to carry out massive, sustained, peaceful protests against that pre-electoral fraud.
3.3.4. Any election that returns Mr. Biya to the presidency will manifestly be a rigged election. Protests calling for the annulment of the whole election should be massive, sustained, and peaceful. No external economic actors can take such a sign as green light to do business with the election thief.
3.4. One may ask whether peaceful protests are possible and whether they can achieve the stated goals. The answer to both is yes. On the possibility of protests, the ratio of protesters to the military is important. According to some reports we estimate that the military size is about 40 000, the gendarme about 10 000 and the ordinary police about 15 000 to 20 000. That gives a total of about 70 000 people or less than 0.25% of the population that the government can draw on. This is comparable to other countries, though slightly on the high side. As a result of this comparable level, research into nonviolent direct action shows that if 1-3% of the population consistently protest to demand for what is morally supported by the majority sitting at home, the protests will always yield their results. Cameroon has never witnessed protests involving 1% of the population. It is time to organize such protests. They will succeed.
3.5. Peaceful protests are cheap and effective. This should not exclude the possibility of a group of patriotic Cameroonians using armed rebellion to defend the spirit of a just constitution of Cameroon, as long as their aim is the enabling of competitive and transparent elections from which should emerge the reformer Cameroon needs.
Dear brothers and sisters, this holy week of the Christians ends on a hopeful note. The hope of resurrection is also the hope of justice. They who acknowledge the merciful God and seek his guidance in their service to mankind, manifesting justice in their ways, will rise to eternal life. The hope of injustice ultimately facing justice in the form of condemnation by the most Merciful and just God can be a balm to the souls that now ache under the yoke of injustice. To our Christian brothers and sisters, Christ is Risen!
May God bless you. And may God bless this beautiful country, Cameroon, showing us the path of true liberation while shielding us from the path of failed revolutions. By the grace of God, we shall overcome.
April 19, 2025
Dr. Benjamin Akih, on behalf of
𝐄𝐧𝐠𝐥𝐢𝐬𝐡 𝐂𝐚𝐦𝐞𝐫𝐨𝐨𝐧 𝐟𝐨𝐫 𝐚 𝐮𝐧𝐢𝐭𝐞𝐝 𝐂𝐚𝐦𝐞𝐫𝐨𝐨𝐧
Serving the nation since 2017
